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Bed-Stuy’s poverty rate increases 43% overall and 47% for children

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City Councilman Al Vann this week blasted the Bloomberg Administration for a recent report that found nearly half the kids (47%) in his Bedford-Stuyvesant district live below the federal poverty level standards.

The Citizens Committee for Children study also found that despite the recent influx of wealthier people and trendy shops to the neighborhood, Bed-Stuy’s overall concentrated poverty rate rose from 38.0 percent in 2000 to 43.2 percent in 2006-2010.

The report comes on the heels of the latest State Labor Department unemployment statistics showing New York City’s unemployment rate increasing to 9.8 percent far surpassing the national unemployment average of 8.4 percent in the month of March. This includes a 10.8 percent unemployment rate in Brooklyn.

“The increasing poverty rate in our city, and especially in Black and Latino communities, is an issue that has been at the forefront of my committee’s agenda,” said Vann, chair of the Council’s Community Development Committee. “While the Bloomberg Administration has held big announcements to unveil anti-poverty initiatives for young children, the working poor and disconnected youth, the mayor has simultaneously cut programs and opposed policies that benefit these same populations.”

Calls to Bloomberg’s press office were given over to the city’s Economic Development Corporation (EDC) for a response, where a spokesperson downplayed the State Labor Department statistics as based on a smaller and less reliable sample than overall job growth.

“We are encouraged that New York City’s private sector continues to add jobs, which is really the best sign of the health of the City’s economy,” said EDC Spokesperson Patrick Muncie. “Improving employment opportunities for all New Yorkers remains our top priority going forward, and we are continuing our work towards this important goal.”

Ironically, Vann’s war of words comes on the day that Bloomberg vetoed on City Council bill and vowed to veto another measure that requires some larger companies doing business with the city to pay a fixed livable wage – far above the state minimum wage – to their employees.

“Those bills – the so-called living and prevailing wage bills – are a throwback to the era when government viewed the private sector as a cash cow to be milked, rather than a garden to be cultivated,” said Bloomberg in announcing his veto.

“When it comes to creating jobs, government is not the architect of the economy – that’s the private sector’s job. I believe government has an obligation to set a minimum wage – but beyond that, private businesses should be free to make their own decisions,” he added.

Bloomberg noted that developers walked away from a deal at the Kingsbridge Armory in the Bronx because they would have been forced to bring in only businesses that paid a set livable wage. He suggested that the development would have brought hundreds of jobs to the Bronx, which has the dubious distinction of having the highest unemployment rate of any county in the state at 13.6 percent.

“I will not sign legislation – no matter how well-intended – that hurts job creation and taxpayers,” said Bloomberg.

But Vann, who co-authored the measures, said the mayor’s cuts to funding for child care and after-school programs – and opposition to laws that move working people closer to earning self-sustaining wages – have been devastating.

“In order to achieve any success in the fight against poverty, we need a stronger commitment from our mayor to policies and programs that we know are crucial to preventing and reducing poverty,” said Vann.

Montgomery: End mayoral control over city schools

New York State Senator Velmanette Montgomery

By Nico Simino
In a bid to end the “10-year experiment” of mayoral control of the city’s public schools, Fort Greene State Sen. Velmanette Montgomery has introduced a bill to over-haul and eventually end mayor Bloomberg’s grasp on the public education system.

If you give control to a person whose entire career is spent using and analyzing data, then don’t be surprised when all they [Bloomberg and the DOE] care about is data,” says Jim Vogel, a spokesmen for Sen. Montgomery. “Children now spend almost one third of their day just doing test prep.”

Under the proposed Senate bill the city would create an independent NYC Board of Education panel, to replace the current Panel for Educational Policy, which is spearheaded solely by the Mayor and the DOE.
The new board would have the authority to appoint the NYC Schools Chancellor and have control over educational policy. The bill would also allow parents and community education professionals to have a greater voice in the education process.

“Mayoral control does not work.” said Montgomery, “Control of our schools must be put back in the hands of educational professionals who have a deep understanding of our children’s needs—and the skills to produce positive educational outcomes.”

The proposed legislation also requires the new Board of Education to be comprised of individuals appointed by several entities that include: each borough president would get to appoint one member, the city council would appoint four members, and the mayor would appoint four members.

Among the stipulations for appointment are that some members would have to have a child currently in city schools.

“We need parents involved in their children’s education. We need schools that are focused not solely on test results, but on providing the best education. We need a Board of Education focused on an environment supportive of the achievement of all our children. This bill will provide for all these things,” said Montgomery.

The proposed bill would also require that the new board chooses the NYC schools chancellor. Under Bloomberg, every chancellor he has appointed had no background in professional education, which is required by the state for all schools chancellors, but the mayor received waivers to bypass the rule.
Opponents of the measure argue that this would take the system back to the “dysfunctional days” of the old Board of Education when there were too many local sub-departments and corruption.

“This legislation is an anarchist’s dream,” said Joe William, of Democrats for Education Reform.
“Have people forgotten about the corruption? It took forever to get anything done.” wondered Bay Ridge Sen. Martin Golden (R).

Sam Anderson from the Coalition for Public Education said the bill merely tweaks what’s already in place.
“It will not address the issue of who has the power to govern the DOE and eliminate the privatization of our public education system,” said Anderson.

The Mayor’s office has also charged that the legislators are doing the bidding of the United Federation of Teachers, who has seen their influence dwindle under Mayoral control, rather than serving the interests of students. But, as Vogel insists, “This isn’t about going back, but about moving forward.”

“I don’t really know too much about this issue,” said Gwendolyn Brown, a parent at P.S 289 George V. Brower in Crown Heights. “But I think it’s a step in the right direction.”

Under current law, Mayor Bloomberg’s control of the public school system is not up for renewal until 2015.

At Harlem’s Sakura Cherry Blossom Festival, “East Meets West” in Friendship

Former First Lady of Japan Kayoko Hosokawa (left), wife of Morihiro Hosokawa, 79th Prime Minister of Japan from August 1993 to April 1994, is Honorary Chairperson, NPO Special Olympics Nippon, and Chairperson, Japan Floor Hockey Federation. She is seen here with her interpreter at the Marcus Garvey Park (Madison at East 122nd St.) for a Little League baseball game – one of the many events that took place during the April 14-15 Cherry Blossom Festival weekend in Harlem. The Festival celebrated the 100th anniversary of a 1912 ceremony when The Committee of Japanese Residents gifted 2,000 cherry trees to New York City as a symbol of friendship. The trees were planted in what was then called Claremont Park at West 122nd Street and Riverside Drive, and the park was renamed Sakura, the Japanese word for cherry blossom.  ¸”X Ò”I think sports has the power to let everyone’s soul shine,” the former First Lady once said. “And so do gifts of trees,” commented Voza Rivers, who produced the Festival for the Consulate General of Japan in New York and the New Heritage Theatre. The Nippon Club and the Japanese Chamber of Commerce and Industry co-sponsored the event. Photo Credit: Seitu Oronde
Two decades ago in Harlem, a kid had a hard time finding a place to play ball. Empty, garbage-strewn lots doubled as playgrounds. Fields were scarce, organized teams scarcer. That all changed in 1989, when Iris and Dwight Raiford started Harlem Little League. Now, over 20 years later, the league has more than 600 boys and girls ages 5 to 18 playing on 42 teams, including two teams for disabled children.

On Sunday April 15, 2012, the Harlem Little League played the the West Coast Japanese Little League on the Friendship Field at Marcus Garvey Park, Madison Ave. E. 120th Street to 124th Street. Family, community residents, and special guests participated in the Opening Ceremony which included special messages from Dwight RaifordCo-Founder of the Harlem Little League, Assemblyman Keith Wright, Lloyd Williams, President & CEO The Greater Harlem Chamber of Commerce, the former First Lady of Japan Mrs. Hosakawa, Yasuhisa Kawamura, Deputy Chief of Mission, the Consulate General of Japan in NY, Voza Rivers, Executive Producer, and Katsuya Abe, International Producer New Heritage Theatre Group.

The game, which was won by the West Coast Japanese team (8-3), was enthusiastically watched by a cheering crowd of parents and sports enthusiasts. The Little League game was presented by Harlem Little League Commission, International Baseball Education Committee (IBEC USA), New Heritage Theatre Group, and The Greater Harlem Chamber of Commerce.

The mission and purpose of the International Baseball Education Committee in USA (IBEC USA) is to foster friendships among youth of various ethnic groups through baseball and their global cultural exchange program. IBEC USA believes this program will educate the youth of the world to become better citizens, learning a sense of love, community, respect and appreciation through the sport of baseball.
New Heritage Theatre Group is the oldest not for profit black theatre in New York, celebrating their 48th Anniversary.

Congressman Ed Towns closes his campaign

When the news leaked last Sunday that Representative Edolphus Towns was retiring, everyone was caught by surprise. “After months of long family discussions, I have decided not to seek reelection for my seat in the United State House of Representatives,” Rep. Towns said Monday. Towns served in the House for 30 years representing parts of Clinton Hill, Mill Basin, downtown Brooklyn, Boerum Hill and parts of Williamsburg.
Congressman Towns had faced a contentious primary with two formidable opponents: Assemblyman Hakeem Jeffries and Councilman Charles Barron. Both have strong bases of support within what is now known as the 8th Congressional District. Until Sunday, Rep. Towns gave no hint that he would retire. “I believe firmly that we would have won a 16th term had we decided to run,” Towns said.

News that the congressman would not seek another term came just one day before the petitioning deadline, which raised quite a few eyebrows. Speculation that his petitions might not have passed muster came from someone within Towns’ East New York base. The source said the congressman’s petitions from the East New York section of the district looked strong, but while technically having enough signatures from the Bed-Stuy, Fort Greene, Clinton Hill areas, there may not have been enough signatures from those areas to survive a challenge.

Rep. Towns’ position was complicated by his home being drawn outside the new district. He could have proceeded forward. State law only requires that a candidate reside within the county and the state during a campaign. If the incumbent had moved forward defending his seat and survived the primary and general election he would have had to make other arrangements regarding his legal address.

The congressman’s wife might have been another factor. It is said she encouraged him to consider retiring. At age 77, it is not unreasonable for the congressman to enjoy time with his wife, children and five grandchildren.

Another factor might have been the untimely death of Donald Payne, a New Jersey Congressman who served for 23 years. “Donald Payne and I were the same age. Donald Payne and I were very close,” Towns said. “We talked about things we wanted to do after we finished Congress.”

During the campaign, Congressman Ed Towns had been promoting his seniority as an asset. During the 111th Congress, he served as Chair of the House Oversight Committee and to make his point recently brought an Oversight hearing to Borough Hall. During his tenure as Chairman of Oversight, Towns refused to issue subpoena records involving Countrywide Financial, a company that played a major role in contributing to the subprime mortgage crisis. It was later revealed that Towns had two mortgages with Countrywide designated with the company’s V.I.P. preferred customer status.

When Republicans gained control during the 112th Congress, Towns was not asked to become Ranking Member of the House Oversight Committee. Instead, the position was given to Rep. Elijah Cummings, who uses high-profile aggressive methods to challenge Chairman Darrell Issa on numerous issues, a sharp contrast to Ed Towns’ low-key style. In particular, Cummings’ persistence found that the ATF Fast and Furious gun-walking program in which guns trafficked into Mexico leading to the deaths of several law enforcement officers was not an initiative conceived by high-ranking Dept. of Justice Obama Administration political appointees. Instead, the reckless operation was limited to ATF’s Phoenix Division and began during the previous administration.

The retiring congressman has not made an endorsement in the race, although there is speculation he will do so. If Rep. Towns does make an endorsement, the likelihood that his choice would be Charles Barron is slim to none. It is common knowledge that there has been an ongoing bitter rivalry between the Towns and Barron camps.

Towns Withdraws: The End of an Era


By Ron Howell

Last year at a Jefferson Avenue (between Tompkins and Throop Avenues) block party, I heartily shouted out my favorite phrase: “Bed-Stuy, do or die!”

Some do not like that term, which has been buried in the archives of Central Brooklyn’s past.
In fact, in some sense, it could be said that the old Bed-Stuy did, in fact, die, given the huge demographic changes of the past two decades.

And now, with Congressman Ed Towns’ announcement that he was retiring after 30 years in office, it’s more clear than ever that a new Bed-Stuy is being born.

At the birthing table these days, eager with scalpels, are Assemblyman Hakeem Jeffries and Councilman Charles Barron, who are vying with eagerness to replace Towns as Central Brooklyn’s Big Daddy in Washington.
Here’s the interesting thing that makes Bed-Stuy so important in this.

Jeffries, a 41-year-old attorney at ease in corporate board rooms (as well as on the street), now represents Fort Greene, a place that has become a Brooklyn version of Chelsea, with snazzy hipster restaurants up and down DeKalb Avenue, a gathering place for countless newcomers from Michigan, Wisconsin, Alaska and beyond.

Barron, a ex-Black Panther who says he sometimes likes to curse out (white people) for emotional release, was elected to the Council from Brownsville and neighboring sections, which have some of the highest crime and poverty rates in the city, and where young black men are stopped-and-frisked by police every day of the week.

Bed-Stuy is the no-man’s-land of the congressional race and all are waiting to see which way she will go.
“It’s neither of their bases,” said political consultant Lupe Tood, now working as a spokesperson with Jeffries.

“Bed-Stuy will be the Ohio of this race . . . It’s the toss-up.”

Bedford-Stuyvesant, you see, was once an archetypical ghetto. I remember well the 1964 riots and the quick departure of Jewish storeowners after that, as they their time was up and they sold their businesses to a new generation of Latinos and Arabs of more recent years; and even black professionals abandoned the community for what they considered prettier pastures.

How different things are now. Everyone wants to come back to Bed-Stuy. There are so many white young women walking from Fulton Street subway stations at night that my grandparents would not believe it, even if they were alive to see it.

So how will Bed-Stuy go in the June 26 election?

Perhaps the most telling indicator is the decision, a few weeks ago, by the Vanguard Independent Democratic Association(VIDA). They invited Towns, Jeffries and Barron to show up and make their cases before the group. Towns didn’t even show up (perhaps an early indication he had little desire for the fury that would blow through this political race).

VIDA chose to support Jeffries, said activist and Bed-Stuy political scholar Dr. John Flateau.
It’s since occurred to me, by the way, that perhaps Barron burned his bridge with VIDA back a few years ago when he supported challenger Mark Winston Griffith over incumbent Bed-Stuy Council member Al Vann.

Then again, burning bridges is Barron’s favorite pastime, said political consultant Hank Sheinkopf.
As for Barron, he says he will spend his coming days and nights on the streets and at meetings, seeking votes of those who, he said, want “a fighter” like him to speak for them in Washington.

Barron told me that Jeffries “has no history in our struggle” and that he is a “go along, get along” politician currying favor with unions and political bigwigs.

Almost any other elected official in the city would take issue with that, pointing out that Jeffries has pushed for state laws controlling aggressive police tactics, for example, and recently sponsored a law making sure prisoners get counted in the communities they come from, rather than the upstate counties that hold them behind bars. This means more political power for Central Brooklyn.

History matters here. The redrawn lines of Towns’ district (now the Eighth Congressional District of New York) leaves it less Black than it was before. But it is still mostly Black. And its history as a Voting Rights District – requiring review by Washington before changes to its makeup – make it especially meaningful to Brooklyn old-timers and others who appreciate Civil Rights history.

Jeffries says it is he who can bond the past with the present, and he is strongly critical of Barron for Barron’s continual complaining about alleged shortcomings of President Barack Obama.

“This is a generational moment,” Jeffries said of the current political contest (in which he has perhaps eight times more than Barron in campaign contributions and far more endorsements from political leaders and unions).

Jeffries said the race is between “someone who has a strong legislative record” and “someone whose focus has been on rhetorical flourish.”

He did not say precisely who was which, but given the tenor of the exchanges so far, no one really has to guess.
Ron Howell is an associate professor of journalism at Brooklyn College.