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Trump Takes $80 Million from NYC in Test of Executive Powers

By Mary Alice Miller
The Trump administration’s shock and awe campaign came to New York last week when $80 million in FEMA funds allocated to shelter and provide services to migrants was removed from one of New York City’s accounts.


“This morning, my financial team shockingly uncovered that President Trump and his crony Elon Musk illegally executed a revocation of $80 million in congressionally-appropriated FEMA funding from New York City’s bank accounts late yesterday afternoon,” said New York City Comptroller Brad Lander. “This is money that the federal government previously disbursed for shelter and services and is now missing. This highway robbery of our funds directly out of our bank account is a betrayal of everyone who calls New York City home.”


Lander called on Mayor Eric Adams “to immediately pursue legal action to ensure the tens of millions of dollars stolen by Trump and DOGE are rightfully returned. If instead Mayor Adams continues to be President Trump’s pawn, my Office will request to work in partnership with the New York City Law Department to pursue aggressive legal action.”


Concurrent to clawing back millions in federal funding earmarked for migrants, Attorney General Pam Bondi announced that the Justice Department is suing the State of New York, Kathy Hochul, Letitia James and Mark Schroder who is with DMV.

Bondi is suing New York over the state’s 2019 Green Light law which allows undocumented immigrants to apply for driver’s licenses without a social security number, instead using other forms of identification like passports or driver’s licenses from other countries.


“This is a new DoJ and we are taking steps to protect Americans. New York has chosen to prioritize illegal aliens over American citizens. It stops today. As you know we sued Illinois, and New York didn’t listen. You’re next.

Millions of illegal aliens with violent records have flooded into our communities bringing violence and deadly drug with them. Comply with the law. This is the last thing we want to be doing. We want to be out there fighting violent crime, yet we are fighting illegal aliens. That ends, and its going to end today.”

NYC Comptroller Brad Lander


Gov. Hochul cancelled a meeting with Trump, stating, “I do not want to go down there and give credibility to this brazen attempt to undermine our laws that were duly enacted by elected people in the State of New York undermined by the federal government.

Hochul issued a statement that said, “Our current laws allow federal immigration officials to access and DMV database without judicial warrant,” adding, “There’s no way I’m letting federal agents, or Elon Musk’s shadowy DOGE operation get unfettered access to the personal data of any New Yorker in the DMV system like 16-year-old kids learning to drive and other vulnerable people.”
“I am prepared to defend our laws, just as I have always have, “ said NYS Attorney General Letitia James.


Comptroller Lander said, “I was relieved to receive a reply from Corporation Counsel Muriel Goode-Trufant this afternoon, agreeing to commence legal action, no later than one week from today. I am grateful that our urgent insistence pushed the Law Department to pursue litigation, even at this precarious moment.

I look forward to doing everything in my power to help the City recoup the FEMA funds stolen by President Trump and holding accountable those intent on working against the best interests of New Yorkers.”


Landers’ letter to the Corporation Counsel of the City of New York stated in part, “On February 12, 2025, my office, along with the New York City Department of Finance, discovered the unilateral reversal of $80 million in Shelter and Services Program (SSP) funds by the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA), which were previously allocated to the City of New York.

We subsequently learned that these funds were debited at the direction of the Trump administration on February 11, 2025, without notice or justification, from one of the City’s accounts. This action not only jeopardizes the City’s budget, but also critically undermines the City’s ability to deliver essential services to our residents.”


In response, The Adams administration announced plans to take the Trump administration to court over the clawback of $80 million in FEMA funds designated to help New York City provide shelter and services to migrants.


The city’s corporation counsel Muriel Goode-Trufant wrote back to Landers, stating “The Law Department is currently drafting litigation papers with respect to this matter. We intend to initiate legal action by February 321, 2025.”


“I’m glad our pressure campaign finally got the Mayor to do what he should have done immediately after we uncovered the stolen $80 million from Elon Musk, which is stand up for New Yorkers and fight,” said Landers in a statement, taking credit for pressuring Mayor Adams to sue the Trump administration over the $80 million in FEMA funding.

Radio Legend Bob Law: Pioneer in Black Talk Radio Speaks Out

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Fern Gillespie
For over 50 years, legendary broadcaster Bob Law has had a strong voice in Black radio. In 1981, he took Black talk radio national as the host and producer of National Black Network’s “Night Talk with Bob Law.” Until recently, his voice continued on WBAI’s “From The Streets with Bob Law.” He took a hiatus after a stroke.

Then, last year, he lost his wife Muntu Law, who headed Brooklyn’s popular Namaskar Health. The radio vet has produced a powerful YouTube documentary “Saying It Loud: Radio Giving Voice To Black America” that vividly explores the history of Black radio and how current white radio consultants made Black radio more generic. Now, with a strong voice, he’s preparing for a podcast comeback with “Bob Law Now.” It will be online later this year with guest Maulana Karenga. Our Time Press celebrated Black History Month with Bob Law, history-maker.


In 1981, National Black Network made radio history. It launched “Night Talk with Bob Law” with you as the host and executive producer of the first live nationally broadcast Black radio talk show in the country. What impact did “Night Talk” have?
They used to call it the “Night Talk Family.” “Night Talk” became like a national organization. I was able to do things with the show. Talk as an activist. In addition to all the people that I met in the entertainment industry, at the same time I met many political leaders. It was “Night Talk” that started the campaign “Run Jesse Run” in 1984. Jesse Jackson came on the show every Tuesday night and we started talking about that on the air. Run Jesse Run. It helped launch Jesse Jackson’s presidential campaign in 1984. “Night Talk” was a major factor in that presidential campaign.

We had the Respect Yourself Youth Choir. The choir traveled to various cities around the country with me. I was not a choir director. “Night Talk” was respected by people around the country as more than a radio talk show. It had a much more significant place in the leadership roles in the Black community. “Night Talk” was respected as a national Black organization.


When you reflect on the impact of “Night Talk” showing that Black talk radio would interest Black audiences nationally, what do you think about the current popular syndicated Black talk radio shows like Steve Harvey, Charlamagne tha God and D.L. Hughley?
Particularly personalities like Steve Harvey and D.L. Hughley, they are nowhere near politically conscious as “Night Talk.” Charlamagne tha God deals with some issues from time to time that are relevant and significant. He has interviewed Claude Anderson for instance. On “Night Talk,” I talked with Claude Anderson a number of times. I talked with Minister Louis Farrakhan a number of times. But for the most part, those other guys don’t ever do anything like that.


During the 1960s, you were involved with the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC). Why was SNCC instrumental in your work as a community activist?
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was a major factor for me as an activist. Some of the people that came out of SNCC at that time there were H. Rap Brown, Bob Moses, and George Ware who was the deputy chairman. It is where John Lewis came from, but he was not one of the cutting-edge people of SNCC. SNCC launched the antiwar movement. SNCC was the group that said: “Hell no we won’t go.” SNCC pushed Martin Luther King Jr to take a position on the war in Vietnam.

SNCC doesn’t get the credit for what it actually did. SNCC began as a Black and White organization. It was an integrationist organization. But it became more of a Black Power initiative. It was more about self-determination. The voice that motivated us at that time was Malcolm X. SNCC moved away from its integrationist posture. SNCC became more involved in the Black Power Movement. That’s where Kathleen Cleaver and Eldridge Cleaver came from. Where Stokely Carmichael became Kwame Toure. SNCC became more supportive of the Black Panther Party.


When you became involved in community affairs in 1970s at WWRL Radio, did you bring that progressive activism to your talk shows?
When I came to WWRL, I was a community organizer and an activist. I met a brother named Bernie McCain. He was doing the most popular Black talk show in the city on WWRL. It was called “Tell It Like It Is.” Then WABC-TV picked the title and appropriated “Like It Is” for Gil Noble. When Bernie McCain was promoted and moved to the West Coast, WWRL’s general manager asked me if I would be willing to work with the radio station. As Public Affairs Director, I hosted “Black Dialogue.” I was still engaged in marches in the street.


When you were promoted to Program Director of WWRL, the station had legendary radio personalities. What was that like?
The people at WWRL were considered the “Dream Team.” All under one roof, there were the finest radio personalities in the country. There was Hank Spann, Gerry Bledsoe, Gary Byrd, Bobby Jay and Jeff Troy. The only radio legend that was not there at that time was Frankie Crocker. When Crocker went to WBLS, he came there as a star from WWRL. But, Black radio lost the creative Black personalities when Black radio managers started hiring White consultants.

What radio shows are you currently listening to?
I listen to Sirius radio. I listen to the Smokey Robinson Show. I listen to the old-time radio shows like Lone Ranger. You can hear good Black music on the Sinatra Channel. There’s Nat King Cole, Johnny Hartman, Sarah Vaughan, Johnny Mathis, Billie Holiday and Nina Simone. Back in the day, when Frankie Crocker was programming WBLS, he would play them. On WBLS you would not hear them today.


For many years, you hosted a popular talk show on WBAI. A few years ago, you stopped for health reasons. If you were still doing your radio talk show, how would you be handling this new Trump administration?
Trump is a fascist and a totalitarian. I would have to deal with the contradictions. Like him talking about getting rid of diversity. That diversity is not fair to White people. It’s because White people have benefited from special privilege all their lives. Black people believe that education is a way of moving forward. The Proud Boys, they don’t want an education. They want to stay ignorant and still have privileges based on being White.

A Blueprint for MWBE Success Workshop in Albany

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By Jeffery Kazembe Batts
IG: @kazbatts

Elected officials, community leaders, business owners, social agency directors, activists, and more gathered upstate, in Albany, from Valentine’s Day on February 14th through Presidents’ Day on February 17th to participate in the “54th Annual NYS Black & Puerto Rican, Hispanic & Asian Legislators Caucus 2025.” During the three-day gathering, 75 workshops were scheduled with topics on health, gun violence, food policy, housing, marijuana & opioids, environment, museums, education, racial profiling, criminal justice, and yes business!

NYC Chief Business Diversity Officer, Michael J. Garner Photo: Kazembe Batts


One of the well-attended business workshops was held in the LOB Building Hearing Room C entitled “A Blueprint for MWBE Success: Future-Proofing Strategies for Growth & Resilience.” Presenters sat in a semi-circle in the front of the theater-like room to share their expertise. CEO of R. F. Wilkins Consultants, Inc. and AYO Labs Francilia Wilkins Rahim, and Founder and CEO of Coaxum Connects and Host of the Coaxum Report Dr. Teri Coaxum sat on the left and co-facilitated the workshop. In the middle of the ten presenters sat Chief Business Diversity Officer of MWBEs Michael J. Garner. Other participants included Executive Vice President NYS Division of Minority & Women’s Business Development Jason M. Clark and NYC Small Business Services Commissioner Dynishal Gross.


At the start of the workshop, the audience of about 100 people was asked to raise their hands if they owned businesses and were MWBE certified. Most people did not raise their hands. Mr. Gardner shared that the Eric Adams administration has a record amount of investment and business with MWBE, especially through the Metropolitan Transit Authority and the New York School Construction Authority. The mayor issued an Executive Order to facilitate the increase in MBWE-owned businesses contracted with the city.

A Centralized Mentoring Program and an effort to make payment within 10 days are two ongoing aspects of the administration’s engagement to help foster more business opportunities. Seven billion dollars of MTA construction focused on making the subway and other public transportation facilities more accessible for the elderly and handicapped people is planned, and construction companies should strive to get a piece of the action. Beyond construction companies, other professional services businesses like IT, engineering, and architecture are needed.


Jason Clark explained the historic role of Carver Bank in making loans and how Webster Bank joined that role. He also discussed the aggressive attack on DEI by the new Trump administration and how DEI differs from MWBE which legally needs to be narrowly tailored and have a compelling interest to be implemented. Dynishal Gross proclaimed “There no longer is a moral imperative, we have to make the business case” to the attentive audience. She urged participants to take care of Insurance, bonding, and accounting.

To have their paperwork in order. Other panelists suggested that Black businesses must be prepared to “open the books” so that collaboration and partnerships between entities can lead to growth and scale.


Taking turns CEOs, Francilia Rahim and Dr. Terri Coaxum efficiently engaged the eight other panelists. They then patiently allowed numerous questions from the audience after they lined up to express themselves. Some asked for specific help for their business or business idea while others spoke about the historical and contemporary undermining of Black business in NYC and the United States. After the last audience question was answered most people did not rush out to the next workshop but stayed, networking with new friends and engaging the panelists who came off the stage to mingle.

Not Like Us: A Statement on Identity and Belonging

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By Baye McNeil : Writer, Speaker,
February 18,2025

At this year’s Super Bowl, Grammy and Pulitzer Prize-winning rapper Kendrick Lamar delivered a performance of Not Like Us that was more than just entertainment—it was a message.


The song, which became an anthem of resistance in Black America, was initially aimed at a rap rival, but it evolved into something much larger—a cultural moment, a declaration of who gets to define identity.
That message was amplified at the Super Bowl, where Lamar’s performance became more than music; it became a statement—delivered right in front of a sitting president working to erase Black voices from history.


The timing was no coincidence. The month of February is Black History Month (BHM) in the United States, an observance created to counteract the historical erasure of Black contributions to American history.
But now, with Trump and his allies dismantling diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) programs, banning books, and silencing discussions on race, BHM itself is under threat. The erasure of Black history is no longer just an ideological battle—it is active policy.


“They not like us,” the phrase chanted by Kendrick and his audience, was a defiant response to a long-standing truth in America: there has always been an us and a them.
For centuries, Black Americans have been treated as outsiders in their own country, their history dismissed, their contributions minimized, and their very citizenship contested.
Now, as history itself is being rewritten to exclude them, the phrase Not Like Us takes on new weight—not just as a song lyric, but as a statement about the continued struggle for recognition.


This idea—of defining who belongs and who does not—is not just an American phenomenon by no means. I’ve seen it play out here in Japan as well. Japan has long prided itself on its homogeneity, a feature often framed as a source of strength. But with this homogeneity comes an implicit understanding of uchi (inside) and soto (outside).


When encountering a conspicuous non-Japanese person, there is often an instinctive moment of recognition: They are not like us. Sometimes, this reaction stems from curiosity or admiration, but in my experience, it often leads to fear and exclusion.


The distinction between inside and outside is deeply ingrained in Japanese society, shaping how individuals interact with foreigners, immigrants, and even those of mixed heritage.
For hāfu—biracial Japanese individuals—this dynamic is even more complex. While legally recognized as Japanese, many find their identity questioned in daily life.


Their nationality is often met with skepticism, and their ability to “truly” be Japanese is frequently challenged. Black hāfu, in particular, navigate a unique set of experiences, as their visibility makes assimilation into their own society even more difficult.


In many ways, their challenges mirror those of African Americans in the U.S., who, despite being full citizens in every legal way, have historically been treated as outsiders within their own country.


Even language plays a role in this dynamic. The ability to speak English, for example, is often recognized as a status symbol in Japan, associated with global sophistication and opportunity. Yet, this association can further reinforce the idea of otherness, as Japanese people who are fluent in English may be perceived as having a degree of foreignness themselves.


These questions of identity and cultural perception extend beyond social interactions. Japan, like Black America, has also had to contend with the influence of Europeanization. After the Edo period and especially following World War II, Japan underwent rapid modernization, often adopting Western benchmarks as the new standard of sophistication.


European Classical music became the pinnacle of musical excellence, ballet the highest form of dance, and European traditions the markers of refined culture.


This shift was not necessarily seen as a rejection of Japanese identity, but over time, it subtly reinforced an idea that Western—meaning European and white—standards were the measure of progress and success.


A similar process occurred to Black people in America, where assimilation often required adopting European cultural norms. From language to fashion to education, success was frequently defined in terms of proximity to whiteness.


The effects of this shift are often so ingrained that they go unnoticed, shaping perceptions of excellence in ways that persist across generations.
However, while Japan adopted Europeanization as part of its modernization efforts, Black Americans were forcibly subjected to it, with devastating effects on cultural identity.


The historical suppression of African traditions and the imposition of European ideals created deep psychological wounds, reinforcing the notion that true success could only be achieved by adhering to white standards.


To counteract this, Black communities took it upon themselves to reclaim their narratives and build institutions that reaffirmed Black identity.
The school I attended as a child – called Uhuru Sasa Shule (swahili for “Freedom Now School”) was created for precisely this reason—to offset the damage Europeanization inflicted on Black minds and souls. In public schools, Black history was either erased or distorted, reinforcing the idea that Black people had contributed little to civilization.


My school, however, took an entirely different approach. Every day was Black History Day. Our curriculum centered on Black excellence, teaching us that we were heirs to a great legacy of mathematicians, scientists, artists, and leaders. It sought to undo the psychological effects of forced assimilation by embedding in us a sense of self-worth rooted in our true history.


The push to erase or revise Black history in America is not just about the past; it is about controlling the future. When certain narratives are removed from public consciousness, it shapes how a society sees itself and others.


Japan, too, has had to navigate how it remembers its past—both within its borders and in its relations with neighboring countries. History is not static; it is constantly being rewritten based on the priorities of those in power.


Understanding Black history is not just an American issue. It is a reminder of how narratives shape identity, belonging, and power dynamics across cultures.


While Japan does not have the same racial history as the U.S., its own discussions on identity, inclusion, and historical memory make the lessons of BHM relevant beyond American borders.
When I was a child, my school made sure me and my classmates knew that our greatness was not a footnote but a central chapter in human history. That blackness is exceptional.


This perspective was empowering, but as I grew older, I realized that nearly every culture tells itself a version of this story. Many societies hold deep-seated beliefs in their exceptionalism, often using history as a way to reinforce those narratives.


Living in Japan for two decades has given me a different lens through which to examine these ideas. Japan, too, has narratives of uniqueness, of being unlike any other nation. And while this pride can be a source of strength, it can also create barriers to inclusion, making it difficult for those who do not fit the traditional mold to feel fully accepted.


My Japanese friends and family tell me this is unintentional, and I accept that on face value. But lately, I’ve begun to wonder if it’s human nature.
To me, Lamar’s Not Like Us performance wasn’t just about a ridiculous rap feud—it was, the Pulitzer-winning rapper’s statement on the sign of the times. A reminder that history, identity, and power are always in play. That even as some try to erase the past, others fight to reclaim it.
And that message resonates far beyond America.

The phrase Not Like Us has echoed in different forms throughout history, in different societies. In America, it has fueled both oppression and resistance. In Japan, it operates more subtly but with lasting consequences.


The question isn’t just who “they” are—but who gets to decide what “like us” and “not like us” actually mean. Whether in politics, history, or culture, identity is still the game. And the rules—who belongs and who doesn’t—are still being rewritten.

Kwame Asante Honored at Boys & Girls High School

On January 28th, Mr. Kwame Asante was honored for his 50 years of service as a volunteer assistant basketball coach and game announcer for all of the basketball games. He has earned his recognition as “The Official Voice of Boys and Girls High Kangaroos.”

Cookie Vann with Kwame Asante at Boys and Girls High School recognition ceremony for Mr. Asante. Photo: Nathaniel Adams


When Kwame was 23, his brother Gene introduced him to the then-principal of Boys & Girls High, the legendary Frank Mickens. That began his journey at the school, which he came to see as a responsibility. This was brought home when his cousin, the late Assemblyman Al Vann, told him, “Stay on your post.”


Given the shoulders he stood on, Mr. Asante could do little else but stay on his post. After all, he was mentored by Reverend Johnny Ray Youngblood, guided by Baba Jitu Weusi, and ordained by Reverend Herbert Daughtry.

Mr. Asante received his African name in Ghana in 1996 and acts as a spiritual advisor to the teams. He has been married to Paulette V. Johnson for 50 years. Ms. Johnson is a former assistant principal for foreign Languages at Midwood High.