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Progressive vs. Regressive Taxes

Progressive & Regressive taxes describe tax tables, not a political opinion.  They are mathematical functions.   In a progressive tax, the more you earn, the higher your tax rate. In a regressive tax, the less you earn, the higher your tax rate. The classic progressive tax is income tax. The classic regressive tax is sales tax.
Combined with this tax  theory and these examples, a great deal can be deduced about economics and politics. Because most people are involved in preparing their progressive federal income taxes, it is fairly well understood.   And because most people are not involved in calculating their regressive taxes, they are fairly poorly understood.   So we will concentrate on explaining regressive taxes, and how the two combine to make up our system, and most systems of taxation.
All known functioning systems of taxation have a balance of progressive and regressive taxes.   This idea is almost never debated, the debates are over where the balance point should be, how much burden should be on the Arich@, and how much burden on the Amiddle@ and Apoor@.  In a progressive tax, the more you earn, the higher your tax rate. In a regressive tax, the less you earn, the higher your tax rate. Progressive taxes soak the rich, regressive taxes soak the poor.  
An example of why sales tax is regressive.  
Let=s imagine two frugal traveling salesmen.   They each have to buy a new car every four years to keep up appearances, and they need reliable transportation. (One guy makes 20K, the other 300K). Run the numbers on the RATE of total income each pays on 5% sales tax.   Poor Boy buys a $20,000 car pays $1000 or 5.0% of his income. Rich Boy buys a $60,000 car pays $3000 or 1.0% of his income. Poor Boy has 5 times the tax bite, or rate of tax on a car.   Rich Boy hardly feels sales taxes.   Then run the numbers on a $30 pair of Levi=s, and the tax-rate discrepancy triples.   Sales tax is NOT a flat tax.
Let=s look at other examples of regressive taxes and fees. Most per-unit taxes are regressive.   For example, in real estate, a $1,000/yr per lot assessment fee is not uncommon in some areas (for things like fire and sewer, etc). That=s a fair chunk for a $200,000 home, hardly nothing for a $2,000,000 home in the same assessment district.  
Complications
These have a moral or arguable aspect.   Groceries, drugs and some necessities are rarely taxed for moral reasons because of a compounding problem found with the truly poor that has to do with disposable income. That is a family that earns less than $25,000, has almost none.   They may be forced to spend say, 25% of their income on groceries, no choice.  A family earning $100K hardly feels the grocery bill in comparison. This is because even a family that earns say $50,000 has potentially $25,000 disposable if they chose to live as cheaply as the $25K family. This could be funneled into tax shelters. And Rich Boy often chooses to spend most of his money in ways that avoid sales taxes, such as on his gardener, nanny, pool cleaner, chauffeur, accountant, lawyer, and other labor-based services, as well as his European vacation and any investments. Poor Boy has no such choice, his income must go to taxable consumer goods.   These complications amplify the Apure@ qualities of regressive taxation theory.
Follow the money. Why should the rich pay more? Some say, for the same reason John Dillinger robbed banks: because that=s where the money is.   There is some logic to that, the richest 2% control in the ballpark of 40% of the private wealth in the USA.   Others say, Abecause they can afford it.@ Others who complain about progressive taxes say it=s because people want Arevenge on the rich@, or it=s Aclass envy@.   Or they say, AWhy should the successful people be penalized?@ That is an interesting take on reality.
But there is one argument that is not often seen, the Afollow the money@, or follow the tax money argument. Simply put, it says you get what you pay for.   It says that if you eat a gourmet meal, you have purchased an entirely different meal (not just more of it) than for a McDonald=s Happy Meal.  
We claim that progressive taxes buy Rich Boy toys, regressive taxes buy Poor Boy toys.   We say fair is fair.   To test this idea, we follow the tax money.   Progressive taxes (such as income taxes) pay mostly for Rich Boy toys: Desert Storm, Cold War, gunboat diplomacy, the Fed=s infinite labor pool (WANTED: unemployment) and any related poverty, NAFTA, GATT, free trade agreements, interstate freeways, national parks, FBI, CIA, a hot-shot standing military, etc.   And regressive taxes (mostly local sales taxes and fees) go for Poor Boy toys: local roads, hospitals, schools, local parks, libraries, cops, city/county councils, fire fighting, etc. If Atoys@ sound too flippant, feel free to swap with a term that rings true for you, such as Atools of the trade@, or Aeconomic infrastructures.@
Perhaps taxes are like any other transaction,bundled. When you buy a set of tires or a meal at a restaurant, you are paying for employee theft, drunk employees, security, air-conditioning, accountants, and stupid business moves, etc. that you may disapprove of.  All are bundled into the cost of doing business and it=s not on your invoice.  There is no free lunch.   Some say that the American meal is the best meal in the world.   If you have eaten of it, pay your debts, and don=t try and sneak out the back door.  
The tricky balance of money and power.

Taxes are also used to tune the economy.  One of the main functions of taxation is to balance the flow of money between the employer and the employee. This keeps the money from accumulating on one end or the other and crashing the economy or altering the basic structure of democratic capitalism as we know it.   For example, many people argue that in the late 1970=s the employees had too much power and money.   Their wages were outpacing inflation and they were paying off their debt with little dollars.     And that now in the 1990=s via the great redistribution of wealth caused by cutting taxes for the wealthiest in half, and Afiring the unions@, some argue that the employers have too much power and money.   History will tell. What is tricky in this balance is that the power follows the money and the money follows the power.   So when the economic scale starts to tip, it tends to accelerate.   It=s very sensitive.
Taxes are also used in other ways to direct the economy. For example, if the government feels that a certain direction is in the national interest, tax shelters may be opened in that direction.   This could be of benefit to compensate for the market=s well known shortsightedness and directionlessness caused by its preoccupation with short-term gains. (Ten years is not a long time.)
Beware of the so-called tax cut. The tax cut is a funny way of managing a household.   It=s like deciding that you are spending too much money, so you ask your boss for a wage cut.   Perhaps the best way to stop spending too much money is to stop spending too much money.   What an idea!   Fix or cut the wasteful programs.   Sometimes a tax cut is not really a tax cut.   That=s because there is no free lunch.   If a needed program is blindly defunded, then the money has to come from somewhere. Often if it=s a federal program that is defunded, the slack is taken up by local (largely regressive) taxes.
What we have is not a tax cut, but a tax shift, from the Rich Boys debt onto the Poor Boy=s shoulders. In 1996 a federal across-the-board Atax cut@ was popular in certain circles.   Here is how cutting progressive (income) taxes might have affected you: If you made 36K, Dole’s 15% Acut@ takes $320/year less from you.   But if local sales taxes edge up 1% to make up, you just lost money.   Beware of the free lunch. While most Rich Boys don=t want the Poor Boys to shoulder their debts, keep in mind that for many of the very Rich Boys, that’s part of their job.   That’s just simple economics.

Marcus Mosiah Garvey

August 17, 1887-June 10, 1940
Founder, Universal Negro Improvement Association
Marcus Moziah Garvey was born August 17, 1887 in St. Ann=s Bay,  Jamaica, to Marcus and Sarah Garvey. His father was a stonemason and the family did some subsistence farming. After leaving school at 14, he served as a printer=s apprentice in his godfather=s business. When he was 16 he moved to Kingston, where his political interests were sparked in the Jamaican anticolonial and nationalist movement. He then moved to Costa Rica in search of work, and traveled through Central America and Europe until he settled in England in 1913. There he worked for Dusé Mohammed Ali on the successful Pan-African journal Africa Times and Orient Review.
In 1914, Garvey returned to Jamaica. On July 20, he began the UNIA in Kingston. Admittedly influenced by Booker T. Washington and his autobiographical Up From Slavery, Garvey wanted to create an industrial training school, much like Tuskegee. Garvey envisioned an organization dedicated to racial upliftment, one that would Aembrace the purpose of all black humanity.@ Disappointed with his limited success, Garvey went to New York on March 23, 1916, planning to raise funds and lecture throughout the country. After delivering speeches around Canada and the United States, he came to Harlem in 1917, where he became known for his street speeches. The UNIA was incorporated in July 1918 and based its new headquarters, Liberty Hall, in Harlem.
The massive migration of black southerners to northern cities, triggered by the industrial demands of World War I, energized black urban life and stimulated racial consciousness, providing a vital outlet for the growth of Garvey=s organization. At the same time, black participation in World War I, the war Ato make the world safe for democracy@ enticed black political aspirations. Wartime hopes, however, were quickly eclipsed by the racial violence and lynchings that followed in the summer of 1919, underscoring the incongruity of America=s democratic ideals and the determination of whites to maintain white supremacy.
Garvey=s ideas particularly resonated with African-Americans during the postwar period. At the core of Garvey=s program was an emphasis on black economic self-reliance, black people=s rights to political self-determination, and the founding of a black nation on the continent of Africa. Garvey=s charismatic style, and the magnificent UNIA parades of uniformed corps of UNIA Black Cross nurses, legions, and other divisions, celebrated blackness and racial pride. Garvey urged black people to take control of their destiny: AThere shall be no solution to this race problem until you yourselves strike the blow for liberty.@
The UNIA movement won broad support in New York=s black community, and Garvey quickly gained national and international prominence. Within a year, UNIA chapters were created throughout the United States, and in Central and South America, the West Indies, West Africa, England, and Canada. The UNIA created the Negro Factories Corporation in 1918, which supported the development of black-owned businesses, including a black doll factory, which employed more than a thousand African Americans. The UNIA also began publishing the Negro World Weekly, which became the most widely distributed African diasporic publication.
Perhaps the largest endeavor of the UNIA was the Black Star Line, a steamship enterprise intended to provide a means for African-Americans to return to Africa while also enabling black people around the Atlantic to exchange goods and services. The company=s three ships (one called the SS Frederick Douglass) were owned and operated by black people and made travel and trade possible between their United States, Caribbean, Central American, and African stops. The economically independent Black Star Line was a symbol of pride for blacks and seemed to attract more members to the UNIA.
In August 1920,  25,000 people attended the first UNIA convention in New York=s Madison Square Garden. There, Garvey was elected president-general of the organization, and the Declaration of Rights of the Negro Peoples of the World was written. Members of the convention outlined the formal organization and leadership, calling for a commissioner of each chapter area. The document demanded that black schoolchildren should be taught African history. The convention produced an anthemCthe Universal Ethiopian AnthemCand red, black, and green became the colors of African peoples. Around this time, a UNIA leader was sent to Liberia to develop further Garvey=s idea for a colony there.

As a result of large financial obligations and managerial errors, the Black Star Line failed in 1921 and ended operations. Constant criticism from the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) (most visibly from member W. E. B. DuBois) and U.S. government opposition took its toll on the UNIA. Early in 1922, Garvey was indicted on mail fraud charges regarding the Black Star Line=s stock sale. He was convicted and given a maximum prison sentence of five years by Judge Julian Mack, also an NAACP member. In 1925, Garvey lost his appeal and entered the Atlanta federal penitentiary.
Garvey=s second wife, Amy Jacques Garvey, led a national campaign for Garvey=s release. During this time, she also edited and published two volumes of his speeches and writings titled Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey (1923 and 1925). The petition drive succeeded in winning Garvey=s release in 1927. He was immediately deported to Jamaica and barred from entering the United States again. In Jamaica, Garvey held two more UNIA conventions. He also started two publications: Black Man, a monthly magazine, and the New Jamaican. But controlling and leading the different international branches from Jamaica proved difficult. A core group in the United States, continued to support Garvey; they published the Negro World into the 1930s. Garvey, however, turned to Jamaican politics. He lost a race for a colonial legislative council seat in 1930. He did, however, sit on the municipal council of Jamaica=s capital.
Garvey moved to London in 1935. For the next few years, he held annual conventions in Canada and continued to publish Black Man.
After suffering a second stroke on June 10, 1940, Garvey died, having fathered two sons with Amy Jacques Garvey, Marcus Jr., and Julius. Since his death, his leadership and significance continued to be influential and was recognized around the world. In the United States, Garveyism was central to the development of black consciousness and pride at the core of the 20th-century freedom movement. The Jamaican Rastafarian movement and the United States Nation of Islam both grew out of and have been influenced by the UNIA. Jamaica named Garvey its first national hero. 
Marcus Garvey was only 53 years old when he died.  At its peak, the UNIA had a membership of upwards of 4 million people.

Democratic Senate Majority is Good News for Central Brooklyn

The New York version of “to the victor go the spoils,” blatantly implemented through  the Republican dominated NYS Senate for 40 years, abruptly ended with the emergence of a Democratic majority. One of the benefits of Democrats being in the majority is how community project funds, a.k.a. member items, are distributed.

Member item dollars distributed to the NYS Senate totaled $85 million a year for the past ten years. “Nine of those ten years, Democrats got about $8 million. This year, they got $76 million,” said Travis Proulx, a spokesman for Senate President Pro Tempore Malcolm Smith. Prior to this year, the exact reverse was status quo. During nine of the past ten years, Republicans divided $76 million among themselves, leaving $8 million for Democrats. According to Proulx, over the past 10 years, Republicans allocated a total of $692 million, while Democrats got $148 million.

Not surprisingly, Senate Republicans never saw a problem with the disparity – until this year. On June 8, as the Senate prepared to vote the Democrat dominated allocations into law, the now infamous surprise coup  interrupted the process. For a month, all legislative votes were stalled. Once the Senate version of order was restored, a deal was negotiated that would allocated two thirds of member items to the majority party and a third to the minority. The deal will take effect not this year, but next.

Since Senate Democrats are clustered downstate, NYC is a major beneficiary of this year’s funding agreement. Central Brooklyn received a sizable chunk for programs serving a variety of needs. Community icons, such as Bedford Stuyvesant Restoration Corp., Medgar Evers College, Central Brooklyn Jazz Consortium, James E. Davis Stop the Violence Foundation, and Crown Heights Youth Collective are among the beneficiaries of the new Senate majority.

Senate Democratic Leader John Sampson led central Brooklyn with $3.04 million for service groups and special projects. Sampson funded $75,000 for a mobile science lab for a local public school; $150,000 for a litigation clinic at Albany Law School; and  $95,000 for peer to peer recovery services at Paul J. Cooper center for Human Services.

Next is Velmanette Montgomery, with $3 million provided to worthy causes. The Center for Law and Social Justice received $150,000. The Brooklyn Public library got $100,000 for a youth internship program. Another $100,000 went to Long Island University for an after school program. Polytechnic Institute received $100,000 for a youth in engineering and science program.

Kevin Parker brought $2 million to his district. There is $75,000 for the Caribbean Women’s Health Association. $100,000 for the Flatbush YMCA. $100,000 for the Madison Square Boys and Girls Club. Another $100,000 for the Museum of Contemporary African Diasporan Arts. Neighborhood Housing Services of East Flatbush was given $100,000 for home ownership education and predatory lending counseling. $250,000 went to the NY Blood Center to purchase a mobile coach for blood donations and diversity outreach.
Eric Adams funded projects totaling $1.05 million. Youth America, Inc. received Adams’ largest allocation ($430,000), providing educational, anti-crime, and cultural programs for youth, young adult and seniors. $50,000 went to the East Flatbush Immigrant Assistance Center. Another $50,000 went to a financial assistance program in Crown Heights.
Numerous programs were allocated amounts ranging from $5,000 to $50,000.  A wide variety of services are being funded, such as fatherhood initiatives, mental and physical health services, youth development programs, computing equipment, multi-lingual legal resource guides, precinct community councils. Central Brooklyn’s Senate representatives gave financial support to diverse ethnic, religious, cultural and community groups from the Irish, Jewish, Caribbean to tenant associations, blind and other disabilities, arts and athletics.
Central Brooklyn’s portion of senate member items total more than $9 million of the City’s share, just some of what NYC was deprived of during Republican domination of the Senate. For years, Mayor Bloomberg financially supported state Republicans. Published reports state Bloomberg has given $2 million to the NYS Republican party. He has supported Republican challengers to Democratic senate seats (including his own State Senator Liz Krueger).  His efforts stalled the emergence of a Democrat majority in the Senate. But the day has come. NY’s Democratic Senate districts are better for it.

Mayor Bloomberg Folds Under Parent Pressure

Administration Negotiates Amendments to Mayoral Control

Mayor Mike Bloomberg said people would riot in the streets if Mayoral control was allowed to sunset on June 30. He demanded Governor Paterson dispatch state troopers to drag Democratic senators by the scruff of their necks, kicking and screaming, back to Albany to rubber stamp the Padavan/ Silver version of renewing Mayoral control of  NYC schools. He said allowing the law to sunset would usher in a Soviet-style return of the Board of Education. He said he wanted the Assembly version voted into law as is, without changing a comma or period. Mayor Bloomberg made his position clear.
Faced with a determined Democratic majority Senate and increasing pressure from parents and advocacy groups, the Bloomberg administration agreed, in principle, to changes to school governance.
The agreement comprised of four major provisions designed to increase parental input, promote enhanced arts education, address concerns relating to school safety procedures, and strengthen the oversight role of the community superintendents.
Parent Training Centers would be in each of the five boroughs. Centrally located in CUNY colleges, the centers would increase the capacity of parents to participate and engage in the educational system through training and support programs. An Arts Advisory Council would advise and make recommendations on educational policy involving arts education. Under a renewed school governance law, the role of superintendents in supervising principals would be clarified, and include quality of curriculum and instruction as part of superintendent review of principals. Each school would be required to conduct public meetings at least annually, open to parents, to discuss safety concerns including matters related to school safety officers.
Potential changes in procurement procedures were not listed in the agreement between the Bloomberg administration and legislators.
The agreement was announced soon after a rally at City Hall attended by hundreds of parents.  A coalition of state senators were joined by the parents who filled the steps of City Hall, calling for parental involvement in the City’s education system.
“Worse case scenario: In September, the schools will open under the old Board of Education system. If that happens, it will be Bloomberg’s fault,” State Senator Carl Kruger said last Thursday afternoon. “In the world of Michael Bloomberg, once he makes a decision, he is totally inflexible.”
Kruger was referring to Bloomberg’s assertions that Mayoral control should be renewed, now. Kruger quoted Bloomberg: “He said ‘Don’t change a comma; don’t change a period.’ Well, we are going to change a comma; a period. We are going to change the import of what that law is.”
Pedro Espada commended the Assembly on moving the public conversation forward to increased oversight and parental involvement of city schools. He referenced U.S. Supreme Court nominee Sonya Sotomayor by reminding listeners that every time you see her, Sotomayor credits her mother with her educational success. “The role of parents in education is basic; parents and grandparents should be engaged. They should be involved in budgeting, hiring of staff — including principals and asst. principals, and curriculum. Education belongs to all of us,” said Espada, “Education should be centered on children and parents.”

Sen. Shirley Huntley said everywhere she goes, parents ask for help. “They feel left out of the system, and they are.”
Sen. Diaz reminded everyone he called for the resignation of Chancellor Klein 2 years ago, pointing out the latest no-bid contract to a company with a Florida P.O. Box as its mailing address and a Brooklyn residence as its business address. “If we in the state were assigning no-bid contracts to friends, you (in the media) would call for an investigation,” Diaz said, “Why are you not calling for an investigation here?”
Kruger said “Parental empowerment is missing in action.” He then outlined the no-bid contract situation, including 291 no-bid contracts totaling $340.5 million, some of which had serious discrepancies. “A city agency has to answer to the comptroller.  We are entitled to know where the dollars are spent,” Kruger said. “This has the makings of another Enron.”
Sen. Adams said, the DOE uses “Bernie Madoff math,” then emphatically said, “We are not going to pass a bill that does not include parental involvement.”
Bill Perkins said the obvious, “The Mayor has stepped on the third rail – parents.” Regarding the move towards amended school governance legislation, Perkins said the state Senate” will not be dictated to; we will be negotiated with.”
State Sen. Sampson was supposed to be at that press conference. Apparently he was in closed door negotiations with Dennis Walcott, Deputy Mayor for Education and Community Involvement and other stakeholders.
State Senators plan to return to Albany before schools open to vote on renewal of the school governance law and its amendments.    To be continued…

On Cambridge Place … A Block Party Reunites Families and Friends

Our Time AT HOME

On Cambridge Place …
A Block Party Reunites Families and Friends

Traditionally, June to September throughout New York City is the season for weekend block parties when neighborhood groups with the proper permits close streets to traffic and have a festive time.

For the second year in a row, long-time residents of Cambridge Place/ Gates & Greene, took the annual one-day/closed-street event idea to another level by integrating one resident’s concept for an extended family reunion block party.  The result, last Saturday, was nothing less than superb.

Cambridge anchors and longtime residents Lillian Brooks (who lives in a property occupied by her family since 1948), and her Atlanta-based daughter, Tracy Kenyatta, among many others, worked diligently throughout the winter and spring to inspire former residents to return on July 25.   And they did, some 150 of them.

Brooks credits the successful outreach to technology.  She said techies’ Face Book and You Tube outreach – technology unfamiliar to the elder facilitators – was the key to tracking down Cambridge Place alumna.

The block’s newer arrivals –poised to get started with making their own block history — supported the Cambridge Reunion with set-up, clean-up, donations and emails.

Warm embraces and laughter were the order of the day, as people who live next door or across the street from each other became acquainted.

Mothers of adult children jumped back to their childhoods, with girlish shrieks , during an impromptu, spirited double dutch competition.  And men evoked the past as they took part in games of their youth.

“The event had a life all its own, and became something more than our plans,” said Ms. Brooks, adding that the intention was to reconnect with memories of gentler, uncomplicated eras when a stick and a ball held as much impact as a handheld computer game. “And we wanted our children to keep their Cambridge Place history alive for their children.  It was just that simple.”

In the end, the reunion/block party rekindled relationships, sparked new ones, and revealed unseen stories and links.

At approximately 6:00pm, Ms. Brooks called for a moment of silence for a neighbor, a wonderful warm-hearted woman passed a few days before the block party.   Everyone gathered in the street in front of Shirley’s house, holding hands. Led by Ms. Kenyatta, the memorial was poignant and included a remembrance of those on Cambridge Place who had passed within the year.

Reverence was appropriately framed by the spirit of family celebration associated with block parties and reunion: children of all ages had fun, with the brownstone-lined street functioning as a canvass and ‘play’ ground; people sharing stories and board games, stick ball, jump roping, bicycling, fun-food bingeing and other festive happenings including dancing, listening to music and just observing from the stoop perch.

So shutting down the street to traffic, this year, opened up another world for all who attended Cambridge Place’s grand soiree.  People from as faraway as Atlanta and as near as Atlantic Avenue congregated to share where they are, where they have been, what they may still have to go.  And, naturally, what they will do next to keep the links.

The Cambridge events ended at around 8pm.  Break-off celebrations continued inside various homes on the block. Laughter was strong and rich, “good times” lingered well into the night.
A warm after-event at Ms. Brooks’s residence ended at around 5:00am, Sunday morning, as the last guest waved goodbye with a promise to return to Cambridge Place soon.

Very soon.